Discourse Weekly
A winding river, fed by many tributaries, mirrors life itself. Each tributary offers a new view, lesson, and truth. The wise explore many streams, gathering understanding wherever waters lead. The unwise remain in one headwater, mistaking it for the whole. Do not linger where life begins, afraid to move forward. Return to the current and follow it to the sea.
Wednesday, October 28, 2026
The Circle of Culture: Why Changing Society Begins With Governing Ourselves
Monday, October 19, 2026
Moynihan Was Right to Warn Us. Sixty Years Later, Are We Listening?
Moynihan Was Right to Warn
Us. Sixty Years Later, Are We Listening?
An
opinion essay on family, culture, responsibility, and the future of America
In
1965, Daniel Patrick Moynihan, serving in President Lyndon Johnson’s
administration, issued a warning about the deterioration of the Black American
family. His report, The Negro
Family: The Case for National Action,
argued that family instability threatened to perpetuate poverty and
disadvantage across generations. Sixty-one years later, we should ask an
uncomfortable question: Was Moynihan right?
Consider the numbers. According
to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, in 2024, 68.6% of births to
non-Hispanic Black mothers occurred outside marriage, compared with 26.2% among
non-Hispanic White mothers. According to the Bureau of Justice
Statistics, the 2023 homicide victimization rate among Black Americans was 21.3
per 100,000 people, compared with 3.2 among White Americans. These are
astounding differences. They deserve more than another political speech or
another government program promising to solve the problem.
Imagine reducing the Black
nonmarital birth rate to the White rate. That would represent a 62% relative
reduction. Imagine reducing Black homicide victimization to the White rate.
That would mean approximately 85% fewer homicide victims relative to the Black
population. Think of the children who would grow up with their fathers
more consistently involved in their lives. Think of the lives that could be
saved, the families spared grief, and the communities no longer living under
the shadow of violence.
Marriage alone does not guarantee
responsible parenting, and reducing nonmarital births would not automatically
reduce homicide. But stable families, engaged fathers, and responsible
communities deserve a central place in this discussion. We must also recognize something the evening news, academia, and our parents seldom show or teach us.
The issue is not race. It is culture, responsibility, and the choices we make.
Wednesday, October 7, 2026
Culture is the determining factor, not race
I do not believe that one race is inherently superior to
another. I believe that every human being is created in the image of God and
therefore possesses equal human dignity and worth. Race does not determine
character, intelligence, morality, or destiny. From that truth we should not
conclude that all cultures are equally successful at producing human
flourishing. Culture is not skin color. Culture is what families, communities,
churches, schools, governments, and other institutions teach us to value. It
establishes expectations regarding work, education, marriage, children,
responsibility, charity, crime, saving, self-control, and how we should respond
when life treats us unfairly and most importantly, culture influences choices.
Our Language Makes Distinctions
There is a subtle example of racial distinction in the
language used by our national media. In 2020, the Associated Press decided to
capitalize “Black” when referring to race while continuing to use “white” in
lowercase. AP explained that Black people possess “strong historical and
cultural commonalities,” while White people generally do not share the same
history and culture. AP also expressed concern that capitalizing White could
inadvertently legitimize white-supremacist beliefs. I find that reasoning
difficult to reconcile with the principle of racial equality. If Black and
White describe racial identities, why should one receive a typographical
distinction denied to the other? Black Americans have shared elements of
history, but they are hardly culturally uniform. A Black American whose
ancestors endured American slavery, a Nigerian immigrant, a Jamaican, and a
Somali immigrant can have dramatically different histories, religions,
languages, traditions, and values. Yet, those differences do not prevent the AP
from recognizing Black as a collective identity. White Americans are similarly
diverse. Their ancestors may have been English, Irish, Italian, German, Polish,
Scandinavian, Greek, or countless other nationalities. Their histories and
traditions differ as well. If internal diversity does not invalidate Black as
an identity, it is difficult to understand why internal diversity should
invalidate White. Note: The National Association of Black Journalists itself
recommended consistency, supporting the capitalization of "White" as
well as "Black". This may appear to be a trivial argument over a
capital letter, but I don’t think it is. Language teaches us how to categorize
one another. When a supposedly neutral style convention treats two racial
identities differently, it introduces an unnecessary distinction into everyday
communication.
If we truly believe that no race is inherently superior or
inferior to another, our language should reflect that equality. Capitalize
Black and White or don’t capitalize black and white. Either convention is
defensible. What is difficult to defend is granting one racial identity a
distinction while deliberately withholding the same distinction from another. Perhaps
that illustrates the larger point of this essay. We spend an extraordinary
amount of time categorizing people according to race when the differences that
most profoundly shape human lives are often cultural rather than racial.
What I Saw in Masonry
I was reminded of this recently while attending a Masonic
family gathering in Richmond, Virginia. The gathering was overwhelmingly White.
Yet what impressed me about the atmosphere had nothing inherently to do with
Whiteness. I saw families, successful people giving back to their communities,
friendship, brotherhood, charity, and people who had spent decades building
productive lives. Freemasonry does not teach that those qualities belong to
White men. Quite the opposite. A man of good character may seek admission
regardless of his race. My own lodge has a Black member who stands upon the
same level as every other Brother. The question I asked was, what produced the
atmosphere I experienced? My answer is Choice.
People had voluntarily entered an institution that expected something of them. Masonry teaches responsibility, charity, self-improvement, brotherhood and service. It doesn’t make every Mason successful or virtuous. Men remain imperfect. But institutions reinforce values, and values influence behavior. That distinction is important because racial statistics can easily tempt us into confusing race with culture. When a racial group experiences disproportionately high rates of violence, poverty, family instability, educational failure or dependency, we should be able to discuss those facts honestly. But skin color itself explains very little. Within every racial category are radically different families, neighborhoods, churches, and communities that produce radically different outcomes. If dysfunctional behavior is cultural rather than racial, we should expect people of the same race living according to different cultural expectations to experience different outcomes. We should likewise expect people of different races who share strong norms concerning work, education, family, and responsibility to experience more similar outcomes. That is exactly why race cannot be destiny.
Choices Compound
None of this means everybody begins life at the same
starting line. Some people inherit money. Others inherit debt. Some inherit
stable families, excellent schools and useful connections. Others inherit
broken homes, dangerous neighborhoods and very little opportunity. While circumstances
matter, they are not opposites of agency. A wealthy person can inherit enough
money to postpone the consequences of terrible decisions. But persistent
overspending, addiction, irresponsibility, and destructive behavior can
eventually consume enormous wealth. Likewise, a person beginning with very
little can repeatedly make decisions that improve his position: learn a trade,
get an education, work consistently, save something from each paycheck, avoid
addiction and crime, choose friends carefully, build a stable family and accept
responsibility when something goes wrong. None of those things guarantees
success. Life contains tragedy, illness, discrimination, economic downturns and
simple bad luck; however, choices alter probabilities, and over decades,
probabilities compound. Good choices compound. Bad choices compound. Wealth can
postpone the consequences of bad choices, just as poverty can postpone the
rewards of good ones, but neither permanently abolishes cause and effect.
The Bread Problem
That brings us to government. Imagine a hungry man. Giving
him bread tonight may be exactly what morality demands. Charity and personal
responsibility are not enemies. Sometimes people genuinely need help, and a
civilized society should not be indifferent to suffering, but suppose tomorrow
I provide his bread again, and again the following day. Eventually something
can change in the relationship. The recipient may discover, “If you give me
more bread, I will support you.” The politician may discover, “If I give him
more bread, he will support me.” Neither statement requires a conspiracy. Each
person is responding to incentives. Eventually, the institution designed to
relieve dependency can come to have an interest in maintaining the relationship
between provider and recipient. That is fundamentally different from saying we
should abandon people who need help.
The better question is: Does our assistance ultimately
restore the person’s ability to provide for himself? Government programs
sometimes approach this very differently. Means-tested programs provide
assistance because someone’s income falls below a specified level. Earn
slightly too much and assistance may decline or disappear. Poorly designed
programs can therefore create benefit cliffs in which improving one’s economic
circumstances carries an immediate financial penalty.
Contrast that with the idea of giving a child an investment
account at birth. Instead of waiting until someone becomes poor and then
responding to poverty, the philosophy is to give the individual an asset that
can grow throughout childhood. One model primarily responds to need. The other
attempts to build ownership before the need develops. There is room for both
approaches. But they teach subtly different lessons about the relationship
between the individual and government.
Who Should Pay the Toll?
Virginia’s Elizabeth River tunnel toll relief provides
another useful example. The Commonwealth has used general-fund taxpayer money
to provide substantial toll assistance to qualifying lower-income residents
around Portsmouth and Norfolk. One can sympathize with someone struggling to
afford a toll while still asking a legitimate question: Why should taxpayers in
Southwest Virginia subsidize the daily transportation expenses of residents in
Portsmouth? The tunnels serve a regional transportation need. If regional
residents believe tolls are excessively burdensome, perhaps the region should
decide whether to subsidize them through local or regional taxes. There is also
an important distinction between constructing public infrastructure and paying
an individual’s cost to use a particular route. Untolled alternatives exist.
They may be less convenient. But convenience and necessity are not identical. The
deeper issue is not whether poor people deserve compassion. The question is
what government should do about the consequences of individual circumstances
and choices—and who should pay for it.
Charity Without Surrendering Agency
Masonry offers interesting lessons here because charity is
central to the fraternity. The lesson isn’t, “I succeeded; therefore anyone who
hasn’t succeeded deserves his condition.” That would be both arrogant and
false.
The lesson is closer to this: Help the man who has
fallen, but do not teach him that he is incapable of standing. Someone else
may genuinely have contributed to his predicament. Society may have treated him
unfairly. His parents may have failed him. His employer may have wronged him.
Discrimination may have limited his opportunities. Acknowledging causation is
not the same as surrendering responsibility.
There is tremendous power in saying:
Someone else may have helped put me here, but I will not
give that person the power to determine where I go from here.
The moment a person accepts responsibility for whatever portion of the next step remains within his control, something important returns: agency, and with agency comes self-reliance, self-respect, accomplishment, and eventually the ability to help somebody else.
Culture Is What We Teach
This brings me back to where I began. The important
distinction is not between White culture and Black culture. It is between
cultures that strengthen human agency and cultures that weaken it. A healthy
culture teaches that work has dignity, education matters, families matter,
promises matter, self-control matters, crime has consequences, achievement
should be respected, neighbors deserve our assistance, and capable adults
should ultimately strive to provide for themselves and their families. An
unhealthy culture can teach precisely the opposite lessons. Neither culture
belongs genetically to a particular race. They are learned, reinforced, and can
change. That is why culture matters so profoundly. Culture establishes
expectations; expectations influence choices; choices produce consequences; and
consequences compound across a lifetime—and eventually across generations. Circumstances
determine much about where we begin. They should never be ignored, but neither
should we pretend that circumstances determine where we must finish.
Race does not determine character or destiny. Culture
matters because culture shapes expectations and choices. Choices have
consequences, and those consequences compound over a lifetime. Culture
determines character and destiny.
Perhaps the most compassionate culture is therefore neither
one that abandons the struggling person nor one that promises to carry him
forever. It is the culture that offers him a hand, helps him regain his
footing, and then reminds him that he is capable of walking.
Friday, September 18, 2026
Teach Our Children to Become Socrates
Teach Our Children to Become Socrates
For most of human history, knowledge has been power largely
because knowledge was difficult to obtain. Governments had archives,
experts, and intelligence agencies. Newspapers had reporters, editors and
printing presses. Universities had libraries and scholars. Corporations had
lawyers, engineers and researchers. The ordinary citizen had comparatively
little.
Then came the internet. Suddenly, an enormous portion of the
world's information became available to almost anyone, but we discovered
something important: access to information is not the same as understanding
it. If anything, the internet demonstrated just how easily human beings
can surround themselves with information that confirms what they already
believe. Conservatives can find conservative sources. Liberals can find liberal
sources. Conspiracy theorists can find evidence for conspiracies. Almost anyone
can type a belief into a search engine and find someone, somewhere, telling
them they are right. The problem was no longer simply access to
information; it was critical thinking. Now artificial intelligence
may change that equation again.
A Research Staff in Your Pocket
I have developed a habit when reading the news.
When I encounter an article that doesn't quite smell right,
I don't simply dismiss it because I dislike the newspaper or disagree with the
writer. I copy the article and give it to AI. Then I start asking
questions.
- What
are the actual factual claims in this article?
- Which
claims can be independently verified?
- What
are the original sources?
- Did
the headline accurately describe what happened?
- Is a
statistic technically correct but presented without context?
- What
information did the writer leave out that might materially change the
reader's understanding?
- Where
does the writer move from reporting facts to interpreting them?
- What
would someone who disagrees with this article say?
- And
perhaps most importantly: What evidence would demonstrate that my own
interpretation is wrong?
Something remarkable has happened. A process that might
once have required hours in a library, access to experts, or an entire research
staff can increasingly be performed by an ordinary person sitting at the
kitchen table in seconds. Think about what that means. The printing
press dramatically reduced the cost of distributing knowledge. The
internet dramatically reduced the cost of accessing knowledge. Artificial
intelligence may dramatically reduce the cost of analyzing and interrogating
knowledge. That could be revolutionary. No, that is
revolutionary.
But Don't Trust the AI Either
There is an enormous danger here, however. We must not
replace one unquestioned authority with another. AI is not an oracle.
Artificial intelligence learns from human-produced information, which contains
bias, mistakes, propaganda, conventional wisdom, political assumptions, and
sometimes outright falsehoods, so AI can be wrong. It can give too much
weight to supposedly authoritative sources. It can mistake widespread agreement
for proof. It can overlook contrary evidence. It can repeat a claim simply
because thousands of other sources have repeated it, and perhaps most dangerously,
it can be wrong while sounding remarkably intelligent.
After using AI to challenge an article, we should challenge
the AI.
Ask it:
- What
are the weakest parts of your analysis?
- What
assumptions did you make?
- Could
the sources you relied upon themselves be biased?
- Give
me the strongest evidence contradicting your conclusion.
- Separate
what you have actually established from what you have merely inferred.
- Now
reconsider your original answer.
That is where AI becomes something much more valuable than
an electronic encyclopedia. It becomes a partner in critical thinking.
Don't Ask AI What to Think
This is where I believe our schools have an extraordinary
opportunity. We should not teach children to ask AI, "What should I
believe?" That would be educational malpractice.
Instead, give students an article representing one side of a
controversial question and tell them to interrogate it.
- Identify
the claims.
- Find
the evidence.
- Locate
the primary sources.
- Identify
loaded language.
- Look
for missing context.
- Construct
the strongest opposing argument.
- Then
challenge that argument.
- Then
challenge the AI's analysis.
Finally, ask the student, "What do you think, and
why?"
Now we are teaching something far more important than
memorizing the approved answer for Friday's test. We are teaching young
people how to think.
The Socratic Machine
More than 2,400 years ago, Socrates understood something we
still struggle to teach. Wisdom doesn't begin with possessing all the
answers.
- It
begins with questions.
- What
do you mean?
- How do
you know?
- What
evidence supports that?
- Does
your conclusion necessarily follow?
- Are
you contradicting yourself?
- What
assumption are you making?
- What
would prove you wrong?
Those questions remain extraordinarily powerful because they
can be directed at anyone.
- A
politician.
- A
newspaper.
- A
professor.
- A
corporation.
- A
preacher.
- A
political party.
- Your
parents.
- Your
friends.
- Yourself.
- And
now, artificial intelligence.
That last one matters. The goal should never be a
population that stops saying, "The newspaper says it's true," and
begins saying, "AI says it's true." We would have accomplished
very little. We would merely have changed authorities. The objective
should be citizens who respond to every authority with the same two
words: Prove it.
An Informed Population Changes the Balance of Power
Another consequence deserves discussion. Institutions
have historically possessed an enormous informational advantage over ordinary
citizens. Governments, political parties, corporations, universities, and media
organizations possessed resources that individuals simply could not match.
- AI
begins to narrow that gap.
- A
politician can cherry-pick a statistic.
- A
newspaper can omit an inconvenient fact.
- A
corporation can carefully word a press release.
- An
activist organization can present only the evidence supporting its
position.
But now with AI, an ordinary citizen can respond, and here
is where the hidden figures pulling the strings of government and the media
begin to get nervous.
- Show
me the underlying data.
- Find
the original report.
- What
did they leave out?
- Give
me the argument from the other side.
- And do
it in seconds.
That changes something fundamental. It does not mean
institutions are always dishonest. It does not mean experts should be ignored.
And it certainly does not mean AI is always right. It means institutional
authority no longer has to be accepted merely because the ordinary citizen lacks
the resources to investigate it. That is healthy for a free society.
Knowledge Is Power—But Only If We Know What to Do With It
We spend enormous amounts of time worrying about what
artificial intelligence will do to our children. Perhaps we should spend
more time thinking about what it could do for them. Imagine a
generation that grows up instinctively asking for evidence.
- A
generation comfortable discovering that its first conclusion was wrong.
- A
generation that understands the difference between fact and
interpretation.
- A
generation suspicious not merely of other people's biases, but of its own.
- A
generation that understands that disagreement is not evidence of stupidity
or evil.
- A
generation possessing, in its pocket, a tool capable of helping it
investigate almost any question imaginable.
That could create something extraordinarily
powerful: An informed citizen.
Our greatest educational opportunity with artificial
intelligence, therefore, isn't teaching children how to use AI to find
answers. It is teaching them how to use AI to ask better
questions, and then teaching them to question the AI itself.
Don't teach our children to trust artificial
intelligence.
Teach them to become Socrates. Tell the AI you use to
question you as if AI is Socrates. In this manner, we become more like
Socrates. AI is now a tool and not a crutch.
Sunday, August 16, 2026
History is not a Search for Saints
Tell Both: History Is Not a Search for Saints
Humans are a funny bunch.
We have an extraordinary ability to take a complicated
human life, select one part of it, and decide that the part explains the whole.
We do it with people. We do it with history. We even do it with the Bible.
Thomas Jonathan “Stonewall” Jackson lived only 39
years. Today we overwhelmingly remember approximately the final two years of
his life—the years in which he became one of the Confederacy’s most famous
generals. Those years matter. They cannot and should not be
erased. Jackson fought for the Confederacy. Slavery was deeply intertwined
with the creation of that Confederacy. Jackson himself owned enslaved people.
Tell that.
But don’t stop there. Before Stonewall Jackson
became “Stonewall,” there was Thomas Jackson: an orphaned boy, a West Point
graduate, a veteran of the Mexican-American War, a professor, husband,
Presbyterian deacon, and a man who organized religious instruction for Black
people in Lexington, including enslaved people. Those facts do not absolve
Jackson of anything. They complete him. Therein lies the problem with much
of our modern historical debate: we seem increasingly unable to hold two truths
about the same human being simultaneously.
The James Blair Test
I live in Williamsburg, Virginia, where we recently
had our own argument over historical memory. James Blair Middle School
bears the name of the Reverend James Blair, founder and first president of the
College of William & Mary. Blair served as William & Mary’s
president for an extraordinary 50 years, from 1693 until his death in 1743. He
was a minister and an enormously important figure in establishing education,
religion and civic institutions in colonial Virginia. He also enslaved
human beings and participated in building institutions intertwined with
slavery.
Tell that.
But again, don’t stop there. A campaign arose to
remove Blair’s name from the school. Mary Lassiter became one of the prominent
advocates for changing it. Members and supporters of the NAACP were also
present in the public debate. I watched the meetings myself as a
Williamsburg-area resident. They spoke, participated and supported the effort
to remove Blair’s name. The former James Blair campaign and the current
NAACP litigation involving Stonewall Jackson and Turner Ashby school names in
Shenandoah County should not simply be declared organizationally connected
without evidence.
There is plainly an intellectual connection worth
examining. Mary Lassiter has publicly expressed support for the Shenandoah
County NAACP’s position on social media. More importantly, both controversies
present essentially the same philosophical question:
When does historical accountability become
historical reductionism?
James Blair provides an especially useful test because
nobody can dismiss the question by saying, “But he fought for the
Confederacy.” Blair died in 1743. The Confederacy would not exist for
another 118 years. Yet the historical judgment eventually reaches him too.
Why?
Because participation in slavery becomes the
controlling fact. The fact considered sufficiently grave that the rest of the
man’s accomplishments can no longer justify putting his name on a public
school.
I understand that argument. I simply question its
limiting principle. If slaveholding alone disqualifies James Blair from
public commemoration, what do we do with George Washington, Thomas
Jefferson, James Madison, and James Monroe?
If unacceptable racial views are enough, the list
grows considerably longer. If serious personal moral failures are enough,
longer still. Eventually we must answer a question.
How much wrongdoing is necessary before everything
else a human being accomplished ceases to count?
Benjamin Franklin Wasn’t a Saint Either
Consider Benjamin Franklin. I greatly admire
Franklin. Yet the deeper I have read about his life, the more complicated the
polished portrait on the hundred-dollar bill becomes. His relationship
with his wife Deborah troubles me. He spent years away from her in England. His
relationship with his Loyalist son William became bitter and never truly
recovered. Franklin had an illegitimate son. He possessed weaknesses, vanities,
and contradictions just like other human beings. Imagine teaching Franklin
this way:
Benjamin Franklin failed people who loved
him. End of lesson.
Everything in that sentence might have some basis in
history, and the lesson would still be historically absurd. We would have
erased the scientist, printer, writer, inventor, diplomat, statesman and
revolutionary because we decided one portion of his life was sufficient to
explain the whole. We could do this forever. Thomas Jefferson wrote
words about human equality that changed civilization while owning human
beings. Ulysses S. Grant became the general who defeated the Confederacy
and later defended the rights of freedmen, yet had his own connection to
slavery before the Civil War. Abraham Lincoln preserved the Union and
issued the Emancipation Proclamation while expressing racial views at various
times that Americans today would reject. Martin Luther King Jr.
transformed the moral landscape of America while being an imperfect husband and
imperfect man.
None were saints. Neither was Stonewall
Jackson. Neither was James Blair. Neither is Mary Lassiter, and neither am
I, and neither are the people demanding that these names come down.
Tell Both About Our Opponents, Too
That last sentence matters. It would be easy for
someone on my side of this argument to look at Mary Lassiter or members of the
NAACP and conclude that their motivation must be anger, resentment, hatred,
ignorance or revenge.
Upon reflection, however, I don’t know that. I
cannot see inside another person’s heart and Christianity tells me to be
exceedingly careful when I pretend that I can. Mary Lassiter herself lived
through an important piece of the history we are discussing. She graduated from
James Blair High School in 1969 as schools were being integrated in 1973. Her
family participated in the civil-rights struggle in Williamsburg. That
history does not automatically make her position correct, but it deserves to be
told.
Tell both about her, too.
Otherwise I would be committing precisely the offense
I am accusing others of committing against Jackson and Blair: taking one
position held by a complicated human being and allowing it to define the whole
person. If I want grace for the historical figures I defend, intellectual
honesty requires that I extend grace to the living people with whom I
disagree. That doesn’t mean surrendering the argument. Quite the
opposite. It means attacking the principle instead of the person, and the
principle I question is this:
Should one grave moral failing become the
controlling fact by which an entire human life is judged?
The Bible Doesn’t Hide the Bad Parts
This question is particularly interesting to me as a
Christian.
I sometimes quote Matthew 7:1: “Judge not, that ye be
not judged.”
Upon reflection, even there I must be careful. I
cannot pull a single verse from the New Testament and claim to have captured
the whole of Christianity. Someone else can turn a few pages and find passages
concerning judgment, righteousness, accountability and recognizing people by
their fruits. Scripture has to be read as a whole.
Maybe human lives deserve something similar. Look
at the people Scripture gives us. Moses killed a man. David committed
adultery and arranged for another man’s death. Peter denied Christ three
times. Paul persecuted Christians. The Bible does something
remarkable with those uncomfortable facts.
It leaves them in.
Scripture doesn’t sanitize its heroes, but neither
does it reduce Moses to the killing, David to the adultery, Peter to the denial
or Paul to the persecution. It tells both.
There is sin.
There is accomplishment.
There is repentance.
There is failure.
There is redemption.
There is grace.
There is the whole human being.
Perhaps historians, and the rest of us, could learn
something from that. I certainly think Mary Lassiter could.
Remembering Is Not Worshiping
Keeping someone’s name on a building does not
necessarily mean endorsing everything that person ever believed or
did. Remembering is not worshiping. We should teach children that
Jackson fought for the Confederacy, but we continue the story. Tell
them slavery was central to the secession crisis. Tell them Jackson owned
enslaved people. Then keep talking.Tell them about the
professor. Tell them about his faith. Tell them about the Sunday
school he established for Black people. Tell them about the
contradictions. Tell them historians disagree about how those facts should
be understood.
Tell them James Blair enslaved people. Then tell
them he spent half a century building William & Mary.
Tell them Jefferson owned slaves. Then hand them
the Declaration of Independence.
Tell them about Franklin’s failures. Then explain
what he did in Philadelphia, Paris and London to help create the United States.
Tell them about King’s human failures, including his
adultery. Then play the speeches and teach the children what his movement
accomplished.
Because history shouldn’t be a competition between
people trying to manufacture spotless heroes and people searching for
sufficient evidence to manufacture irredeemable villains. History should
be an attempt to understand human beings.
Where Does It End?
Virginia is covered with the names of morally
complicated people.
Washington.
Jefferson.
Madison.
Monroe.
Blair.
Fairfax.
Jackson.
The names of kings, revolutionaries, slaveholders,
soldiers, politicians and imperfect human beings cover our counties, rivers,
universities, schools and towns. If moral perfection becomes the standard
for historical recognition, eventually we will run out of names, and if we
establish a principle under which one sufficiently objectionable fact can
invalidate an entire lifetime, we should at least have the courage to apply
that principle consistently. That means not merely Jackson. It means
Blair. Then Jefferson. Then Washington.
Then wherever the principle logically
leads. Perhaps instead of continuously renaming America, we should
continuously teach America. Put another paragraph in the history
book. Put another exhibit in the museum. Put historical context
beside the name if necessary. Explain what the person did
wrong. Explain what the person did right. Allow young people to
encounter the uncomfortable truth that someone can accomplish extraordinary
good while participating in something terribly wrong. That isn’t
weakness. That is history.
Grace
And perhaps somewhere in this argument there is room
for something increasingly uncommon in American public life.
Grace.
Grace doesn’t mean pretending slavery didn’t
happen. Grace doesn’t require Mary Lassiter to change her mind. Grace
doesn’t require the NAACP to abandon its argument, and grace doesn’t require me
to surrender mine.
Grace permits us to say:
I believe you are wrong without believing
you are evil.
Imagine what would happen to American politics if we
relearned that sentence. Changing a school name cannot change what
happened in 1861. Restoring one cannot change it either. Removing
James Blair’s name cannot undo colonial slavery. Keeping it cannot justify
slavery. No School Board, judge, activist or columnist possesses the power
to rewrite what happened. We possess only the power to decide how honestly
we remember it.
Christianity has spent two thousand years reminding us
of something we continually forget. Human beings fall and sometimes
terribly. Yet Christianity also teaches that failure need not constitute
the entirety of a human existence. Maybe history doesn’t need more
saints. Maybe it doesn’t need more villains either.
Maybe it needs something much simpler.
Tell the accomplishment.
Tell the failure.
Tell the virtue.
Tell the sin.
Tell the disagreement.
Tell the contradiction.
Tell the whole human being.
Tell both.
Saturday, July 18, 2026
America's Favorite Couple
If you have found your way to my blog and opened this page, then you have found an event my wife and I are participating in. You can find this on Facebook, just search for "America's favorite couple."This event is to raise awareness of many nonprofits that help the homeless. It's a fun contest, really, and whether you win or lose, feeding the poor is a worthy cause, and you can donate to it. Please take a moment to copy and paste the link below and vote.
https://americasfavcouple.org/2026/johnson-039-s-2
Monday, July 13, 2026
The Morality of Double Standards
The
Morality of Double Standards
Political
disagreement is healthy in a free republic. Moral inconsistency is not. One
of the defining characteristics of a just society is that it applies the same
moral standard regardless of who commits the act. Murder is wrong whether the
victim is conservative or progressive. Oppression is wrong whether it is
carried out by a Western democracy or a Middle Eastern dictatorship. Freedom of
speech is either a principle or it is merely a privilege extended to those we
happen to agree with. Increasingly, however, public outrage appears less
tied to universal principles than to political identity.
When
conservative commentator Charlie Kirk was murdered while engaging in public
political discourse, some voices immediately searched for explanations that
diminished the tragedy. Rather than beginning with the simple proposition that
political violence is unacceptable in a free society, the discussion often
shifted to whether his views somehow invited such hatred. Contrast
that with the treatment of activists who deliberately confront law enforcement
during protests. When encounters end in injury or death, the narrative
frequently centers on victimhood, systemic injustice, and institutional blame.
The same event, loss of human life, is filtered through an entirely different
moral lens.
Part
of the answer lies within an intellectual tradition that has become
increasingly influential in universities, media, and activist organizations.
Rather than viewing society primarily as a collection of individuals possessing
equal rights and equal moral worth, this tradition interprets history as a
struggle between oppressors and the oppressed. Moral judgment becomes
inseparable from power.
Under
this framework, actions are evaluated less by what was done than by who did it. If
an action weakens institutions viewed as oppressive, it is often excused or
minimized. If the identical action strengthens those same institutions, it is
condemned as immoral. Justice becomes conditional rather than
universal. This helps explain why outrage often appears selective in
international affairs. When civilians suffer in conflicts involving
Western democracies or their allies, condemnation is immediate and often
justified. Yet the brutal repression of Iranian citizens by their own
government has frequently received far less sustained attention from many of
the same activist movements. The victims are no less human. The suffering is no
less real. Yet moral urgency often appears unequal. That inconsistency
deserves examination.
Thinkers
such as Herbert Marcuse openly questioned the classical liberal idea that all
viewpoints deserve equal tolerance. His concept of “liberating tolerance”
argued that tolerating certain ideas could perpetuate systems of domination.
Michel Foucault viewed political struggle largely through the lens of power,
even expressing early sympathy for the Iranian Revolution before its
authoritarian character became undeniable. Whether one agrees with
these philosophers or not, their influence is difficult to deny. Their ideas
continue to shape portions of contemporary academic and activist thought.
The
danger arises when political objectives replace universal moral principles. If
morality depends upon which group holds power, then justice becomes impossible.
Every act can be justified if committed by the “right” people against the
“wrong” people. Violence becomes resistance. Censorship becomes protection.
Intolerance becomes tolerance. History repeatedly demonstrates where that
path leads.
The
American experiment was founded upon a radically different proposition: that
every individual possesses inherent rights that do not depend upon race, class,
religion, or political affiliation. Those rights belong equally to friend and
opponent alike. They are not granted by the government nor withdrawn because
one’s ideas are unpopular. A free society cannot survive if moral
standards are applied selectively. The true test of principle is not
whether it protects those we admire. It is whether it protects those with whom
we profoundly disagree. Universal principles are difficult precisely
because they require consistency.
Double
standards require only politics.
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